We begin the presentation of British newspapers with a report by Simon Speakman Cordall in the Guardian, entitled "Nothing Works: Tunisians Trapped in Poverty Lose Hope."
The writer says that "while the gains from the Tunisian revolution were significant, the daily burden of rising prices, deteriorating living standards, the sweeping epidemic, and conflicts between politicians disconnected from public reality left permanent scars."
The writer discusses the developments that Tunisia has witnessed in recent months, since President Kais Saied's decision to freeze the parliament's work.
He says that while "Saeed places political reform at the top of his priorities, he has not provided solutions to the economic problems that have plagued the lives of Tunisians in an unprecedented way over the past 11 years."
The writer reflects reality by conveying the scene of Yassin, 29, as he searches for empty plastic bottles that he can sell for recycling.
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"It is a common sight in most major cities in Tunisia. Alert International estimates that 8,000 Tunisians earn a living in this way", while Yassine says that he will get between two and three dinars per bag.
The writer explains that the economic decline in Tunisia “began long before the outbreak of the revolution. However, over the years since then, politicians have consistently moved away from confronting the root causes of this decline, preferring instead to focus on political projects that distinguish between Good guys and bad guys. And it's a trend that doesn't seem to be ending."
According to the author, Tunisia's problems are "deep". As the state negotiates a new loan from the International Monetary Fund, the UGTT has questioned the state's ability to pay the huge public sector wage bill.
For Amine Ghali of the Al-Kawakibi Center for Democratic Transition, the president acquires a lot of political power for the state, "however, economic reform seems far-fetched."
The writer notes that Saeed "still ranks high in the opinion polls, but the first signs of cracks can be seen. During a bitter dispute over the location of the landfill, the president was forced to send a police force into the country to deal with the demonstrators."
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Moroccan Banks and Western MarketsAAfrica
We turn to a report by Alex Aquagrim in the Financial Times, entitled "Moroccan Banks Target Francophone West African Countries".
A drive by major Moroccan banks to expand in West Africa in the past decade has helped lenders in that country boost their profits in light of the pandemic, and make them more profitable through the increased use of mobile money transfers.
The author quotes Elena Sanchez Cabezodo, managing director of equity research at the emerging market-focused investment bank EFG-Hermes, as saying that “the expansion of Moroccan banks on the continent has had a very significant impact in terms of diversifying their revenue base, asset base and net income.” "The Moroccan banking market is a relatively low growth market. So, going to Africa was the right thing to do, looking at the next growth area, buying banks in countries with low banking penetration."
Many Moroccan banks have established a presence in francophone West Africa due to linguistic ties and the fact that one currency, the West African franc, is used by eight countries in the region and is pegged to the euro.
"The banking sectors of francophone West African countries have expanded rapidly in recent years by drawing more people into the formal financial system," notes John Ashburn, global economist at Fitch Solutions.
According to the author, "It is widely expected that economic growth in West Africa will outpace what the North African country has witnessed."
The writer notes that in October, the International Monetary Fund said that Morocco's GDP is expected to grow by 3.1% in 2022, a rate exceeded by the largest economies in French-speaking West Africa.
The writer mentions that analysts say that "Moroccan banks have caused a clear disturbance in the African markets, in which they have a presence."
"The entry of Moroccan banks has shaken things up in a sector previously populated only by very small, weak local players and a few French multinationals," notes Ashburn.
We conclude with a report by Anshel Pfeffer in The Times, entitled "Benjamin and Sarah Netanyahu are angry over the decision to withdraw the bodyguard."
The writer says, "Benjamin Netanyahu may have been forced to step down as prime minister six months ago, but it seems that he and his family will not leave the scene quietly."
And he explains, "The Netanyahu family criticized the new administration after it decided that the wife and children were no longer entitled to government bodyguards and drivers. It also ordered them to return 21 gifts they received while in office, which are considered government property."
This week, a legal advisor in the Prime Minister's Office demanded the return of gifts that "appeared to have disappeared" when the family left the official home in Jerusalem, according to the author.
The writer believes that "Netanyahu is convinced that his successor, Naftali Bennett, is behind the decisions to withdraw the personal protection that was allocated to his family and to demand the return of the gifts."
Netanyahu had launched a campaign on social media targeting the Bennett government and in particular the laws implemented by the new government, including a law that would limit ministerial term limits, and another law that would allow the police to carry out searches without judicial orders, And a third law gives judges the power to order the removal of offensive and harmful posts on social media
The writer believes that Netanyahu, as the leader of the opposition, is "convinced that these laws could harm him and any possible return to him."
The author explains the issue of the personal guard by the fact that the security authorities recommended lifting the personal guard for his wife and children, which Netanyahu sees as a threat to his family from the "enemies of Israel."
The family has found it difficult to adapt to its new circumstances since Netanyahu left office. While the committee was discussing lifting their personal protection, a new demand arose, represented by the provision of government security around the clock for their home in Jerusalem.
When Netanyahu first lost power in 1999, the police discovered that about 150 gifts, as well as government property, had been transferred by the family to a private warehouse and the state treasury borne the costs of transportation. He was not aware that he was breaking the law. The gifts were returned, although some remained missing, and part of the transportation fee was paid.”
